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  1. 定義 [] 「軍事獨裁」和「軍政」詞義相近,但在概念上略有不同,軍政是指直接由軍隊來統治國家的政體。 在軍事獨裁政府中,不一定是由出身軍官的軍事統帥來掌握政府權力,可能是由掌握軍事力量的政黨或獨裁者來擔任國家元首或政府首腦執行統治。

    • ( 1966至1970年; 1980至1991年)
    • ( 1963至1964年; 1965至1970年; 1972至1987年)
    • ( 1966至1993年)
    • ( 1965至1976年 ;1992至2011年)
  2. www.wikiwand.com › zh-hant › 軍事獨裁軍事獨裁 - Wikiwand

    軍事獨裁(英語:military dictatorship),又稱軍政府(military junta),一種獨裁政體形式,獨裁者通過軍隊維持其政治權力。 For faster navigation, this Iframe is preloading the Wikiwand page for 軍事獨裁 .

  3. 姆甘臨時軍事獨裁政府(英語: Provisional Military Dictatorship of Mughan )是1918年8月1日由英國在連科蘭區控制的反共短命國家。 該政府不支持 亞塞拜然 獨立,且該政府由 白 俄 的T·P·蘇霍魯科夫上校領導,該人在英國占領下的 巴庫 活動。

    • 軍事獨裁
    • 俄語
  4. e. A military dictatorship (also known as a khakistocracy) is a dictatorship in which the military exerts complete or substantial control over political authority, and the dictator is often a high-ranked military officer. The reverse situation is to have civilian control of the military .

    • 獨裁的類型
    • 詞源
    • 分類及分佈
    • 比較
    • 意識型態
    • 參見
    • 外部連結

    極權主義的到來標誌着20世紀新政治時代的開始。根據漢娜·阿倫特的說法,極權主義是一種極端形式的新式專政,由「孤立的個體」組成。她申明,意識形態在定義整個社會的組織方式方面起著主導作用。根據政治學家胡安·林茲的觀點,威權政權與極權政權之間的區別在於,威權政權試圖扼殺政治和政治動員,而極權主義則試圖控制政治和政治動員。 但是,最新的分類之一未將極權主義確定為專政的一種形式。在芭芭拉·格德斯(Barbara Geddes)的研究中,她專注於精英領袖與精英大眾關係如何影響專制政治。格德斯確定了在專政中構成精英政治的關鍵機構。該研究基於以下因素,並且與這些因素直接相關:分類的簡單性,跨國適用性,對精英和領導人的重視以及將機構(政黨和軍隊)納入塑造政治的中心。根據格德斯的說法,獨裁政府可以分為五類:軍事專政,單黨專政,個人專政,君主制,混合專政。

    英語中獨裁政體(dictatorship)一詞的詞根來自拉丁語:dictatura,是羅馬共和時期的一種特殊政治體制,源自於羅馬共和時期的獨裁官官銜。在面臨重大危機的特殊狀況下,國家的所有權力會暫時交給獨裁官進行統治,這種政治體制稱為dictatura。在這個體制下,獨裁官的命令超越任何法律,不受任何節制,他的地位被比擬為希臘的僭主或東方的專制君主(古希臘語:δεσπότης,拉丁化:despótēs,之後成為英語:Despotism的詞根)更高。尤利烏斯·凱撒被任命為終身獨裁官(Dictator perpetuo)之後遭暗殺,這個官銜不再被使用。 根據《梅里亞姆-韋伯斯特字典》定義,獨裁政體(英語:dictatorship)是一種政府形式,由一個單一個人,或一個小群體,集中掌握了絶對的權力。獨裁(英語:Autocracy)、寡頭統治(oligarchy)與僭主(tyrant)這幾個源自古希臘語的名詞在某種程度上也被當成同義詞來使用。獨裁政體(英語:dictatorship)和獨裁(autocracy)在一般概念使用上差異不大,其主要區分在於前者主要靠暴力或武力,而後者主要靠輸誠的臣民。 獨裁這個用語在中國古代已經存在,但主要當成動詞或形容詞,不是專門名詞。獨裁被當成一種使用於政體的專門術語,源自於日本。在日本明治時期,1866年,福澤諭吉譯《西洋事情》,將英語:despot意譯為立君獨裁。隨後,英語:dictatorship也被意譯為獨裁。梁啟超在《清議報》發表的文章,首次將獨裁主義或獨裁政體這個譯名由日本引入中國。但是英語:Autocracy(或譯為獨裁、専制政治)、英語:Despotism(或譯為專制獨裁、專制主義)等術語在日本都被同樣漢譯為獨裁,此外,它也被譯為專政或專制,梁啟超等人在行文中,也沒有做出嚴格的區別。在民國時期,也有直接音譯成狄克推多的用法。

    與民主制的區別

    作為政治制度,獨裁政體和民主政體的區別,主要在於獨裁政體中司法權和立法權受行政權的控制,而民主政體中司法權和立法權獨立的分權制,比較能保障行政權不因過度集權而獨裁;民主較以法治和民意為基礎。 政治科學有多種評估政體是否民主及是否獨裁的評估及量化指標,經濟學人信息社不定期公佈的民主指數為其中一例(2011年的資料見圖右)。 政治科學家Cheibub等人所整理的民主與獨裁指數(又稱DD資料集)將199個國家自1946年至2008年民主水平進行分類將世界各國粗分成民主及獨裁政體兩大類型後,再將民主的再細分成:議會制民主、混合型(半總統制)民主、總統制民主,獨裁的再細分成:皇家獨裁、文官獨裁(civilian dictatorship)、軍事獨裁。右列兩圖呈現該資料集的1988年及2008年度DD資料。

    民主化

    政權由獨裁體制轉變成民主體制的過程,稱為民主化。 (參看右例兩圖1988年至2008年的變化,如非洲及亞洲) 歷史上1980年代之後的第三波民主化中,亞洲、非洲、南美洲和東歐許多國家獨裁政體相繼崩潰,是人類史上個案最多,規模最大的民主化浪潮。 在東亞,從獨裁體制轉變成民主體制的國家有蒙古、南韓、中華民國等等。 近年來,聯合國成員中的獨裁政體影響力越來越大。,並因此引發有關爭議,如中華人民共和國、俄羅斯、古巴、沙特阿拉伯、哈薩克、阿塞拜疆、埃及、阿爾及利亞、越南、喀麥隆、安哥拉、索馬里、剛果民主共和國、厄立特裏亞、布隆迪等獨裁政權(國家)取得聯合國人權委員會席次引發國際爭議。 有觀點認為,雖然民主政體未必能完全避免違反人權的問題,但政體的結構性因素使獨裁政權更易於違反人權。 民主化現代化理論的奠基者西摩·馬丁·利普塞特於《政治人》一書比較歐洲民主國家及拉美獨裁國家的數據統計比較分析,推斷民主化與經濟發展存有正相關關係,現代化水平越高該國越可能民主。

    極權與軍事獨裁

    當代極權政府是較全面的獨裁政體,有「單一且官方的意識型態」、「單一政黨」、「政治警察」、「獨佔所有武力」等等特徵,以推行官方所定的意識型態來支配了個人生活的各個層面。:206 哲列夫以政治科學研究來區分法西斯極權政府與軍事獨裁的相異處,列出以下差異::182-183 哲列夫主張,以上因素使軍事獨裁相當不穩定,一當道德上站不住腳便會垮台;相較之下,法西斯較熟稔運用意識形態與宣傳手段操縱社會。軍事獨裁因此常面臨抉擇,究竟要轉為中產階級民主,或是回歸法西斯極權政府:183。法西斯獨裁政體的社會基礎較廣較深,能夠避免政變發生;軍方唯有當國家戰敗時才較有可能推翻法西斯政府:184。

    極權與法西斯

    於1930與1940年代學者認為「法西斯政府」與「獨裁政府」相等,然而,「每個法西斯政府都是極權政府,但不是每個極權政府都是法西斯政府」,如君主獨裁與軍事獨裁都是獨裁政府,但並非極權政府。「法西斯政府是獨裁政府的極端樣貌,也就是完全獨裁政府,將其原則施行於公私生活之中」,而一般的獨裁政府只將其基本教條落實在軍公教等政府機器:184。 比較19世紀前半的普魯士君主立憲獨裁體制和20世紀的德國法西斯極權體制,哲列夫展示了,法西斯政體在公私生活意識型態上的控制,遠比君主獨裁體制來得全面。普魯士君主獨裁企圖將基督教義落實推及社會,但缺乏群眾組織執行,只能依靠警察扮演壓迫者,如哲學家費爾巴哈1841年出版《基督教的本質》,駁斥包含基督教以內的所有宗教,指「上帝不過是反映了人對人性的相像與對天堂的投射」直接挑戰當時的官方主流意識型態,但當時德國政府唯一能做的懲罰是讓柏林大學拒絕其擔任哲學系系主任。這種君主獨裁政府缺乏任何工具來打擊或阻擋自由思想與異端言論。相較之下,類似「德國青年」的反國家哲學與文學組織在法西斯政體下是不被允許的,而國內最進步與民主的意見因此無法整合團結對抗政府,納粹德國下的...

    極權與社會主義

    自由主義思想家海耶克認為,極權主義和社會主義沒有任何實質差異,主張極權主義和自由主義的社會沒有「中間路線」的可能;海耶克並預測福利國家將發展成極權社會主義政體。對海耶克來說,社會主義思想並不是邪惡或不道德的意識型態,而是在追求社會主義理想時,會造就極權政體,無論有此社會主義理想的人是否想要創建一個獨裁政體。

    極權與國家資本主義

    以佛里德里西·波洛克(英語:Friedrich Pollock)的國家資本主義想法為基礎之一,左派法蘭克福學派以物質文化分析,發展出一套極權政體理論,一開始說明當時歐洲法西斯主義的興起及擴散,而後延伸將法西斯德國、共產蘇聯、新政下的美國詮譯為取代歷史上自由資產級階的自由市場時代的國家資本主義。

    國際政體轉型研究1800-2012 (頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館)含依權力分享之三類國家趨勢變化圖
    Freedom World 2013報告的圖表指出2013年的Free Countries有90國佔46%, Partly Free Countries有58國佔30%, Not Free Countries有47國佔24%。
    • Background
    • Goulart and The Fall of The Fourth Republic
    • Divisions Within The Officer Corps
    • Establishing The Regime, Castelo Branco
    • Hardening of The Regime, Costa E Silva
    • Years of Lead, Médici
    • Resistance
    • Repression
    • Geisel Administration, distensão, and The 1973 Oil Shock
    • Transition to Democracy, Figueiredo

    Brazil's political crisis stemmed from the way in which the political tensions had been controlled in the 1930s and 1940s during the Vargas Era. Vargas' dictatorship and the presidencies of his democratic successors marked different stages of Brazilian populism (1930–1964), an era of economic nationalism, state-guided modernization, and import substitution trade policies. Vargas' policies were intended to foster an autonomous capitalist development in Brazil, by linking industrialization to nationalism, a formula based on a strategy of reconciling the conflicting interests of the middle class, foreign capital, the working class, and the landed oligarchy. Essentially, this was the epic of the rise and fall of Brazilian populism from 1930 to 1964: Brazil witnessed over the course of this time period the change from export-orientation of the First Brazilian Republic (1889–1930) to the import substitution of the populist era (1930–1964) and then to a moderate structuralismof 1964–80. Ea...

    After the Presidency of Juscelino Kubitschek, the right wing opposition elected Jânio Quadros, who based his electoral campaign on criticizing Kubitschek and government corruption. Quadros' campaign symbol was a broom, with which the president would "sweep away the corruption."In his brief tenure as president, Quadros made moves to resume relations with some communist countries, made some controversial laws and law proposals, but without legislative support, he couldn't follow his agenda. In the last days of August 1961, Quadros tried to break the impasse by resigning from the presidency, apparently with the intention of being reinstated by popular demand. João Goulart was Vice President. He was a member of the Brazilian Labour Party and has been active in politics since the Vargas Era. As Quadros resigned, Goulart was outside the country visiting China. At that time Brazil's President and Vice President were elected from different party tickets. Some military top brass tried to pre...

    The armed forces' officer corps was divided between those who believed that they should confine themselves to their barracks, and the hard-liners who regarded politicians as willing to turn Brazil to communism. The victory of the hard-liners[who?] dragged Brazil into what political scientist Juan J. Linz called "an authoritarian situation." However, because the hard-liners could not ignore the counterweight opinions of their colleagues or the resistance of society, they were unable to institutionalize their agenda politically. In addition, they did not attempt to eliminate liberal constitutionalism because they feared disapproval of international opinion and damage to their alignment with the United States. The United States as bastion of anticommunism during the Cold War, provided the ideology that the authoritarians used to justify their hold on power. Washington also preached liberal democracy, which forced the authoritarians to assume the contradictory position of defending demo...

    The Army could not find a civilian politician acceptable to all of the factions that supported the ouster of João Goulart.On 9 April 1964 coup leaders published the First Institutional Act, which greatly limited the freedoms of the 1946 constitution. The president was granted authority to remove elected officials from office, dismiss civil servants, and revoke for 10 years the political rights of those found guilty of subversion or misuse of public funds. On 11 April 1964 the Congress elected the Army Chief of Staff, Marshal Humberto de Alencar Castelo Brancoas President for the remainder of Goulart's term. Castelo Branco had intentions of overseeing a radical reform of the political-economic system and then returning power to elected officials. He refused to remain in power beyond the remainder of Goulart's term or to institutionalize the military in power. However, competing demands radicalized the situation. Military "hard-line" wanted a complete purge of left-wing and populist i...

    Castelo Branco was succeeded to the Presidency by General Artur da Costa e Silva who was representative of hard-line elements of the regime. On 13 December 1968 he signed the Fifth Institutional Act that gave President dictatorial powers, dissolved Congress and state legislatures, suspended the constitution, and imposed censorship. On 31 August 1969 Costa e Silva suffered a stroke. Instead of his Vice-president all state power was assumed by military junta, which then chose General Emílio Garrastazu Médicias the new President.

    A hardliner, Médici sponsored the greatest human rights abuses of the time period. During his government, persecution and torture of dissidents, harassment against journalists and press censorship became ubiquitous. The succession of kidnappings of foreign ambassadors in Brazil embarrassed the military government. The anti-government manifestations and the action of guerrilla movements generated an increase in repressive measures. Urban guerrillas from Ação Libertadora Nacional and Revolutionary Movement 8th October were suppressed, and military operations undertaken to finish the Araguaia Guerrilla War. The "ideological frontiers" of Brazilian foreign policy were reinforced. By the end of 1970, the official minimum wage went down to US$40/month, and the more than one-third of Brazilian workforce which had their wages tied to it lost about 50% of its purchasing power in relation to the 1960 levels of the Juscelino Kubitschekadministration. Nevertheless, Médici was popular, as his te...

    The fall of João Goulart worried many citizens. Many students, Marxists, and workers formed groups that opposed military rule. A minority of these adopted direct armed struggle, while most supported political solutions to the mass suspension of human rights.In the first few months after the coup, thousands of people were detained, while thousands of others were removed from their civil service or university positions. In 1968 there was a brief relaxation of the nation's repressive politics. Experimental artists and musicians formed the Tropicalia movement during this time. However, some of the major popular musicians Gilberto Gil and Caetano Veloso, for instance were arrested, imprisoned, and exiled. Chico Buarque left the country, in self-proclaimed exile.[citation needed] The first signs of resistance to this repression were seen with the appearance of widespread student protests. In response, the government issued the Fifth Institutional Act in December 1968, which suspended habe...

    After the military coup, the new government put forward a series of measures to strengthen its rule and weaken the opposition. The complex structure of the state’s repression reached several areas of Brazilian society, and involved the implementation of measures of censorship, persecutions, and violations of human rights. The systematic repression during this period in the Brazilian history was dependent on and alternated between the so-called “moderates” (“moderados”) and “hard-liners” (“linha dura”) in power. The most aggressive set of repressive measures took place during the period between 1968 and 1978, called the Leaden Years (Anos de Chumbo). The repressive characteristic of the regime, however, was present in the Brazilian society throughout the military rule.

    It was in this atmosphere that retired General Ernesto Geisel (1974–79) was elected to Presidency with Médici's approval. Geisel was a well-connected Army General and former president of Petrobras. There had been intense behind-the-scenes maneuvering by the hard-liners against him and by the more moderate supporters of Castelo Branco for him. Fortunately for Geisel, his older brother, Orlando Geisel was the Minister of Army, and his close ally, General João Baptista de Oliveira Figueiredo, was chief of Médici's military staff. Once in power, Geisel adopted a more moderate stance with regards to political opposition than his predecessor Médici.

    President João Figueiredo steered the country back to democracy and promoted the transfer of power to civilian rule, facing opposition from hardliners in the military. Figueiredo was an Army General and former head of the secret service, National Intelligence Service of Brazil. As president, he continued the gradual "abertura" (democratization) process that was begun in 1974. An amnesty law, signed by Figueiredo on 28 August 1979, amnestied those convicted of "political or related" crimes between 1961 and 1978. In the early 1980s, the military regime could no longer effectively maintain the two-party system established in 1966. The Figueiredo administration dissolved the government-controlled National Renewal Alliance Party (ARENA) and allowed new parties to be formed. The President was often incapacitated by illness and took two prolonged leaves for health treatment in 1981 and 1983, but the civilian vice president Antônio Aureliano Chavesde Mendonça did not enjoy major political p...

  5. 1962年軍事改變奪權,1988年8888民主運動後再度奪權,2008年新憲法實施後,2011年交出部分權力予文人政府,保留國防和內政的權力。2021年2月1日軍事政变再次奪權。 苏丹: 半總統制 軍事獨裁: 33年1天 2019年4月11日蘇丹政變,推翻原軍政府,過渡軍事委員會設立 马里

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