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  1. Sinn Féin (pronunciado [ʃɪnʲ fʲeːnʲ], /shiñ fieñ/; del irlandés Nosotros o Nosotros mismos; y no como en ocasiones se traduce de forma incorrecta, Nosotros solos) [3] es un partido político irlandés de ideología izquierdista, [4] activo tanto en la República de Irlanda como en Irlanda del Norte.

    • 28 de noviembre de 1905 (movimiento fundacional), 17 de enero de 1970 (partido actual)
    • Mary Lou McDonald
  2. en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Sinn_FéinSinn Féin - Wikipedia

    Sinn Féin was founded on 28 November 1905, when, at the first annual Convention of the National Council, Arthur Griffith outlined the Sinn Féin policy, "to establish in Ireland's capital a national legislature endowed with the moral authority of the Irish nation".

    • El Cisma en El Sinn Féin Y El Ira Provisional
    • El RSF Y La Identidad de Los Provos
    • Dirección Y carácter
    • El RSF Y El Acuerdo de Viernes Santo

    En 1986 el Sinn Féin convocó un Ard Fheis (congreso) para tratar la continuidad de la política tradicional de no asistencia al Dáil Éireann (parlamento de la República de Irlanda). Hasta entonces los candidatos del SF que eran elegidos al Dáil no ocupaban sus puestos, como protesta por considerar que dicha cámara era ilegítima.[2]​ La línea dura del Sinn Féin se opuso a la finalización de esa política, viéndola como una ruptura de la perspectiva tradicional del IRA desde 1926, que consideraba al Dáil Éireann como una asamblea ilegal constituida por una acta del Parlamento británico en 1922. Consideraban que el Estado debía estar constituido por toda la isla de Irlanda (Éire Nua), una república que incluyese los 32 condados de la isla. La República de Irlanda solo ejercía su soberanía sobre 26 condados, dado que 6 condados en la provincia histórica del Úlster pertenecían al Reino Unido. Los partidarios de mantener el abstencionismo en el Dáil decían expresar los deseos del Consejo Mi...

    En un proceso irónicamente similar al que creó el IRA Provisional, el núcleo del grupo disidente fue compuesto por los mismos dirigentes que se retiraron del Ard Fheis del IRA en 1969 para formar el IRA Provisional y el Sinn Féin Provisional (desde entonces la mayor facción del IRA y del Sinn Féin, que conservó su nombre histórico). Entre ellos estaban Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, Des Long, Joe O'Neill, Frank Glynn, y Dáithí Ó Conaill. Otro militante muy importante durante los Troubles que mostró su apoyo al RSF fue Billy McKee, un miembro del Consejo Militar del IRA Provisional en la década de 1970 y excomandante de la Brigada de Belfast del IRA.[5]​ Sean Tracey, otro partidario del RSF al principio, luego abandonaría el movimiento.[6]​ La deserción al RSF incluyó nueve de los 10 miembros del Ejecutivo de Vigilancia del Sinn Féin (había 20 miembros en total) que formaron parte del ejecutivo desde su formación en 1970 como el foro dirigente del IRA Provisional.[7]​

    El presidente del consejo de RSF al principio fue Dáithí Ó Conaill, pero tras el primer Ard Fheis resultó elegido Ó Brádaigh como presidente, puesto que ocupó hasta noviembre de 2009, cuando fue sustituido por Des Dalton. El RSF, al contrario que el Sinn Féin de Gerry Adams, tiene la mayoría de sus afiliados en la República de Irlanda, mientras que el grupo de Adams es más activo en Irlanda del Norte.

    A pesar de los cambios en la situación en Irlanda del Norte desde la década de 1980 el RSF mantiene su principio de abstención, rechazando ocupar asientos ganados en elecciones al Parlamento británico, al Dáil Éireann y a la Asamblea de Irlanda del Norte (NIA). Al contrario que el Sinn Féin, el RSF no se presenta a las elecciones a los dos primeros cuerpos, pero sí a la asamblea norirlandesa, como en el año 2007. El partido se niega a reconocer la legitimidad del Acuerdo de Viernes Santo, diciendo que el referéndum convocado para aprobarlo no incluyó la opción de un Estado unido irlandés en las votaciones, y además porque hubo dos votaciones diferentes, una en la República de Irlanda y otra en Irlanda del Norte. El RSF se opone a la asamblea norirlandesa debido a su perspectiva de que el parlamento es un medio de asegurar la presencia británica en Irlanda, diciendo que «aquellos nacionalistas que ocuparon asientos en el nuevo Stormont (una referencia al parlamento norirlandés hasta...

    • Seosamh Ó Maoileoin
    • 1986
    • Dáire Mac Cionnaith, Pádraig Garvey
    • Teach Dáithí Ó Conaill, 223 Parnell Street, Dublín 1, Irlanda
    • Early Years
    • 1917–1922
    • 1923–1932, The Fianna Fáil Split
    • 1932–1946, Political Isolation
    • 1962–1968, Mac Giolla Takes Control and The Return to Left-Wing Politics
    • 1969–1974, The Onset of The Troubles and The Official/Provisional Split
    • 1975–1983
    • 1983–1993
    • 1994–Present
    • Leaders

    The ideas that led to Sinn Féin were first propounded by the United Irishman newspaper and its editor, Arthur Griffith. An article by Griffith in that paper in March 1900 called for the creation of an association to bring together the disparate Irish nationalist groups of the time, and as a result Cumann na nGaedheal was formed at the end of 1900. Griffith first put forward his proposal for the abstention of Irish members of parliament from the Westminster parliament at the 1902 Cumann na nGaedheal convention. A second organisation, the National Council, was formed in 1903 by Maud Gonne and others, including Griffith, on the occasion of the visit of King Edward VII to Dublin. Its purpose was to lobby Dublin Corporationto refrain from presenting an address to the king. The motion to present an address was duly defeated, but the National Council remained in existence as a pressure group with the aim of increasing nationalist representation on local councils. Griffith elaborated his po...

    Aftermath of the Easter Rising

    Sinn Féin was not involved in the Easter Rising, despite being blamed by the British Government for it. The leaders of the Rising were looking for more than the Sinn Féin proposal of a separation stronger than Home Rule under a dual monarchy. Any group that disagreed with mainstream constitutional politics was branded 'Sinn Féin' by British commentators. In January 1917, Count Plunkett, father of the executed 1916 leader Joseph Plunkett, stood for election as an independent in the North Rosco...

    1918 electoral victory

    Sinn Féin won 73 of Ireland's 105 seats in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland parliament at the general election in December 1918, twenty-five of them uncontested. The IPP, despite having been the largest party in Ireland for forty years, had not fought a general election since 1910; in many parts of Ireland its organisation had decayed and was no longer capable of mounting an electoral challenge. Many other seats were uncontested owing to Sinn Féin's evident mass support, with o...

    Treaty and Civil War

    Following the conclusion of the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations between representatives of the British Government and the republican government in December 1921 and the narrow approval of the Treaty by Dáil Éireann, a state called the Irish Free State was established. Northern Ireland (a six-county region set up under the British Government of Ireland Act 1920) opted out, as the Treaty allowed. The reasons for the split were various, although partition was not one of them – the IRA did not sp...

    The seeds of another split were sown when leader Éamon de Valera came to believe that abstentionism was not a workable tactic. In March 1926 the party held its Ard Fheis and de Valera proposed that elected members be allowed to take their seats in the Dáil if and when the controversial oath of allegiance was removed. Mary MacSwiney and Michael O'Flanaganled the abstentionist section opposing the motion. The conference instructed a joint committee of representatives from the two sections to arrange a basis for co-operation. That day it issued a statement declaring "the division within our ranks is a division of Republicans." The next day De Valera's motion narrowly failed by a vote of 223 to 218. De Valera resigned and formed a new party, Fianna Fáil, on a platform of republicanising the Free State from within. He took the great majority of Sinn Féin support with him, along with most of Sinn Féin's financial support from America. The remains of Sinn Féin fielded only 15 candidates an...

    During the 1930s Sinn Féin did not contest any elections. Its relationship with the Irish Republican Army (IRA) soured and during the 1930s the IRA severed its links with the party. The party did not have a leader of the stature of Cosgrave or de Valera. Numbers attending the Ard Fheis had dropped to the mid-40s and debates were mainly dominated with issues such as whether members should accept IRA war pensions from the government. Mary MacSwiney left in 1934 when members decided to accept the pensions. Cathal Ó Murchadha led the party from 1935 to 1937. Margaret Buckleywas president from 1937 to 1950. The party suffered with the introduction of internment during the Emergency. An attempt in the 1940s to access funds which had been put in the care of the High Court led to the Sinn Féin Funds casein 1948, which the party lost and in which the judge ruled that it was not the direct successor of the Sinn Féin of 1917.

    Tomás Mac Giolla was elected president in 1962. His presidency marked a significant shift towards the left. The Wolfe Tone Directories were set up to encourage debate about policy. The directory attracted many left wing thinkers and people associated with the Communist Party of Ireland such as Roy Johnston. In his analysis, the primary obstacle to Irish unitywas the continuing division between the Protestant and Catholic working classes. This they attributed to the 'divide and rule' policies of capitalism, whose interests a divided working class served. Military activity was seen as counterproductive since its effect was to further entrench the sectarian divisions. If the working classes could be united in class struggle to overthrow their common rulers, it was believed that a 32-county socialist republic would be the inevitable outcome. The party became involved in the Dublin Housing Action Committee, protests against ground-rent landlordism, and the co-operative movement. In one c...

    There were parallel splits in the republican movement in the period 1969 to 1970; one in December 1969 in the IRA, and the other in Sinn Féin in January 1970. The stated reason for the split in the IRA was ‘partition parliaments’, however, the division was the product of discussions throughout the 1960s over the merits of political involvement as opposed to a purely military strategy. The political strategy of the leadership was to seek to unite the Protestant and Catholic working classes in class struggle against capitalism: it saw the sectarian troubles as fomented to divide and rule the working class. The split, when it finally did come, arose over the playing down of the role of the IRA and its inability to adequately defend the nationalist population in Northern Ireland in the violent beginning to the Troubles. One section of the Army Council wanted to go down a purely political (Marxist) road, and abandon armed struggle. Some writers allege that "IRA" had been dabbed on walls...

    Sinn Féin was given a concrete presence in the community when the IRA declared a ceasefire in 1975. 'Incident centres' were set up to communicate potential confrontations to the British authorities. They were manned by Sinn Féin, which had been legalised the year before by Secretary of State, Merlyn Rees. The party had launched its platform, Éire Nua (a New Ireland) at the 1971 Ard Fheis. In the words of Brian Feeney, "Ó Brádaigh would use Sinn Féin ard fheiseannato announce republican policy, which was, in effect, IRA policy, namely that Britain should leave the North or the 'war' would continue". After the ending of the truce another issue arose—that of political status for prisoners. Rees released the last of the internees but introduced the Diplock courts, and ended Special Category Status for all prisoners convicted after 1 March 1976. This led first to the blanket protest and then to the dirty protest . Around the same time, Gerry Adams began writing for Republican News, under...

    Under Adams's leadership, electoral politics became increasingly important. In 1983 Alex Maskey was elected to Belfast City Council, the first Sinn Féin member to sit on that body. Sinn Féin polled over 100,000 votes in the Westminster elections that year, with Adams winning the West Belfast seat previously held by the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP).In the 1985 local elections it won fifty-nine seats on seventeen of the twenty-six Northern Ireland councils, including seven on Belfast City Council. The party began a reappraisal of the policy of abstention from the Dáil. At the 1983 Ard Fheis the constitution was amended to remove the ban on the discussion of abstentionism, so as to allow Sinn Féin to run a candidate in the forthcoming European elections, although in his address Adams said, "We are an abstentionist party. It is not my intention to advocate change in this situation."" A motion to permit entry into the Dáil was allowed at the 1985 Ard Fheis, but without the a...

    In 1994, the IRA announced a ceasefire, paving the way for Sinn Féin's involvement in the Northern Ireland peace process talks which eventually led to the Belfast Agreement and participation in the power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive. The Agreement saw Sinn Féin drop some long-held positions, e.g. on the viability of a Stormont government and the principle of consent. Many in Sinn Féin disagreed with its path and left the party, becoming known as dissident republicans. More left after the party agreed to support the Police Service of Northern Irelandin 2007. In 2020 the NI leadership attended a PSNI campaign event to encourage more Catholics to join the Police Service resulting in dissident threats towards the leadership. Sinn Féin has increased electoral success, overtaking the SDLP to become the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland in the early 2000s, and securing the most votes in the 2020 Irish general election.

  3. The president of Sinn Féin (Irish: Uachtarán Shinn Féin) is the most senior politician within the Sinn Féin political party in Ireland.Since 10 February 2018, the office has been held by Mary Lou McDonald, following the decision of Gerry Adams to stand down as leader of the party and not seek re-election again.

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